Battery L, 1st Artillery Regiment (Light) - George Breck Columns: Chapter 20: “The Most Desperate And Bloody Battle….” Gettysburg, June 15, 1863 – July 11, 1863

Hooker ordered another reconnaissance, this time by his cavalry, to try to determine the extent and meaning of Lee’s movements. This resulted in the epic clash at Brandy Station on June 9 between the Confederate cavalry under Gen. Jeb Stuart and the Union cavalry corps commanded by Gen. Alfred Pleasonton. Though the Confederate cavalry retained possession of the field, Brandy Station was a significant Union success. For the first time, Union cavalrymen demonstrated they could hold their own against their Confederate adversaries. Stuart was humiliated, and roundly criticized in the southern press, for being caught by surprise. His ill-fated raid around the Union army during the upcoming campaign, depriving Lee of the use of his cavalry for more important intelligence gathering, “was prompted largely by a desire to re-establish his reputation.” (1) Even more importantly, Pleasonton confirmed, beyond doubt, that Lee was indeed moving his army north. Within days, Hooker set his own army in motion, ordering it to concentrate near Centreville.

In park, Manasas Junction, Va.
Monday Morning, June 15
(Appeared Friday, June 19, 1863)

Dear Union: I will improve the present opportunity to write you a few lines, it being almost the first I have had since breaking camp near White Oak Church. That occurred last Friday morning (June 12) at half-past 3 o’clock. By 4 we were in full motion with the rest of our brigade, marching in the direction of Berear Church. Our route was what may be called a circumlocutory one, diverging from the direct road in order to prevent the enemy from catching a sight of us, who, it is presumed, was on a sharp lookout for any demonstrations of a moving character that might be made by Hooker’s army. The cavalry engagement of Wednesday (actually Tuesday, June 9) had determined that Lee was about to make a visit north, and it behooved Gen. Hooker to baffle such a visitation if possible. In one of my recent letters I mentioned the probability of such a rebel movement and speculated on the prospect of our falling back to Washington. Sure enough, the army of the Potomac is northward bound, and with a celerity which must be perfectly satisfactory to President Lincoln and Gen. Halleck, convincing them beyond all doubt that the above army can use its “legs,” notwithstanding fault was found with it as being deficient in that respect when McClellan had command of the army.

We reached Berear Church about noon, where we halted for a little rest, and before we moved out again there was a sad scene enacted at this place of which we were a witness. A soldier belonging, I believe, to the 19th Indiana regiment was publicly shot for desertion. He was executed in an open field, in a little hollow, seated on a coffin, his eyes blindfolded and his hands tied to the coffin by his sides, and around him, drawn up in the form of a square, was the 1st Division, 1st Corps, the regiment of the condemned man being attached to that division. He had been sentenced to be shot that afternoon, and though the army was moving it did not interfere in carrying out the fatal sentence. His case was somewhat of an aggravated one, for he tried to escape from service by representing himself as a rebel soldier, putting on a rebel uniform and pretending that he was from some Tennessee regiment, had been impressed in the rebel army, was desirous of quitting it, and to that end had made his way into our lines and was anxious to go north. So plausible a story did he make out that he came very near accomplishing his object; but he was identified, arraigned, and found guilty of desertion from the Federal ranks in the face of the enemy. I have been told that this was the third time he deserted. He appeared to manifest but little feeling at his situation, walking to the spot where he suffered the penalty of his crime with considerable nonchalance, his fingers up to his arm-pits and looking the bravado. A brief interview was had between him and a chaplain, but what he said, I do not know. After the interview was ended, a handkerchief was bound over the prisoner’s eyes, and his last moments were drawing speedily to a close. Sitting on his coffin, his executioners numbering twelve soldiers stood about twenty feet in front of him, each with a musket, half of the muskets I was informed being loaded with blank cartridges, and the other half with cartridges and ball, ready when the proper signal should be given to fire the fatal shot, everything silent as the grave, -- all this was a scene of the most solemnly impressive character. What must have been the thoughts and feelings of the unfortunate man, as he thus sat, seeing nothing, but knowing all that was transpiring around him and the terrible fate awaiting him! Gen. Wadsworth, commanding the division, and staff, were near the centre of the square, mounted on their horses, and a large crowd was collected around outside the lines. Soon the signal to take aim was given, and every musket was pointed at the man’s heart. Another signal was given, and then was seen the smoke and heard the report of the guns, and, almost simultaneously, the guilty soldier fell backwards with his feet upturned and his heart pierced by bullets. Better a thousand times that he should have fallen on the battlefield than have fallen in this ignoble way. No reprieve came for him, as there had come for three soldiers a few days previous, who were just on the point of suffering a like doom. It was reported that five minutes after his execution, a citizen and an officer were seen coming with all the rapidity that their horses could carry them, with a message from the President commuting the sentence of death to imprisonment. This was erroneous, however. We doubt if the President was aware of the case, inasmuch as the death penalty in the army for desertion can now be inflicted by commanding generals without the sanction of His Excellency. We understand Mr. Lincoln is opposed to capital punishment, and hence his frequent commutation of the death sentence. (2)

The term of service of two New Jersey regiments expired Friday afternoon; they being nine months’ men, and so they fell out of the column of march, halted in a field, gave several hearty cheers for their much esteemed and respected brigade commander, Gen. Pond, who addressed a few words to them on parting with them, and then they retraced their steps to Falmouth to take the cars en route for home. Three more regiments will start for home to-morrow, their time of enlistment expiring then. (3) This will reduce the first corps very much, quite a number of regiments formerly belonging to the corps having served their time and been mustered out. The 1st corps was once the largest, or almost so of any corps in the army. Now, perhaps, it is the smallest. Hurry along the conscription act, or its operation, Mr. President, or we shall be sadly deficient of troops. Is not Gen. Lee fully cognizant of this fact, and is he not taking advantage of it by his now assuming offensive operations?

Our march Friday terminated about dusk. It was a long one, eighteen miles, and quite a severe one to infantry especially, for it was very hot and very dusty. We were enveloped in clouds of dust nearly all day. We passed thro’ Hartwood Church and through Morrisville. The roads were good and the country through which we passed very fine.

Early the next morning we resumed our march through the heat and dust again, arriving at Bealton Station about 4 p.m., where we encamped for the night. We traveled the same road we did last fall when, under Burnside, we were “marching along” to Richmond; but encountering formidable barriers on the heights of Fredericksburg we need not inform our readers that we never reached the rebel Capital then – nor since then, though it has not been for the wont of effort.

We expected to remain at Bealton for a day or two, but the following morning, Sunday (June 14), found us in motion again in the direction of Centreville. Battery B, 4th U.S. Artillery, and our own, were ordered to report to Gen. Wadsworth. We did so, and moved in conjunction with the 1st division. The mail carrier of this division was shot that morning or the night previous by a rebel civilian, but he was captured and tried immediately by Judge Lynch. He was forthwith hung, and I was told his body was dragged along the road, so highly incensed were the soldiers against the rebel murderer.

All day Sunday we marched, passing by Warrenton and Catlett Stations, over fields, through dense woods, and at nine o’clock p.m. we halted an hour or two for refreshments, consisting of coffee and hard tack, and to rest and feed the horses. By midnight we were on the go again, and it seemed as if the whole army, baggage, supply wagons and all, were hurrying in the direction of Washington as speedily as possible by every available route. Hard marching this, for infantry burdened with guns and knapsacks. But Lee mustn’t be permitted to get the start of Hooker and be allowed to flank us, for in that case serious consequences might be the result. The soldiers seemed to be in good spirits, and cracked many jokes about our falling back to Washington again. A grand game of tag, one would say. Two magnificent armies, the Federal and Confederate of Virginia, another would remark – magnificent for advances, retreats, covering their respective capitals and the accomplishment of nothing decisive. Another change of “base” only, that’s all would say a third. Another skedaddle, says a fourth.

We arrived here where I am at present writing shortly after daybreak, and are now waiting till the men and horses are a little rested and have eaten, when off again we shall start. We must make Centreville to-day. The bugle has just blown “Stand to horse,” and so I must close this hurriedly written letter.

Centreville, Monday Night.

We arrived here this afternoon, and reported to Col. Wainwright, commanding our brigade. We crossed the immortal stream of Bull Run, and marched not far from the immortal battle field of the same name. Have marched about sixty miles since last Friday morning, and are pretty tired, to say the least. (4) The weather has been intensely hot to-day. No rain of any consequence has fallen for a month. The roads are dry and dusty enough. It is thought we shall be off again in the morning, but in what direction I don’t know. No sight of the enemy yet, but we shall run across him in a few days unquestionably, when look out for a desperate battle. Where will it take place, we wonder. Excuse haste. Gen. Doubleday has command of our corps, Gen. Reynolds being in command of two or three corps for the present, so I am informed. G.B. (5)

In camp near Guilford Station, Virginia
June 20th, 1863
(Appeared Friday, June 26, 1863)

Dear Union: -- My last communication was mailed from Centreville. We left there at an early hour Wednesday morning, the 17th inst., in the direction of Leesburg. Centreville is strongly fortified, fortifications and rifle pits being thrown up on, and along a number of surrounding hills, and infantry and artillery occupying the place and vicinity in considerable force. The 111th N.Y. regiment has been quartered here since January or February last, and the “Garibaldi Guards” are encamped here.

Our first visit to Centreville was on the night of the 30th of August, 1862, after the disastrous Bull Run battle No. 2. We have little recollection of the spot at that time, the darkness of the night, and the great haste with which we traveled forbidding us taking note of the country through which we passed. We do recollect, however, of halting about midnight near this two or three house Virginia settlement, and bivouacking in a rain storm, and we shall not forget how very quickly we all fell asleep as soon as we prostrated our wearied bodies on mother earth, and how soundly we slept; when at daybreak we were suddenly aroused by the tramping of Federal troops, whose feet were turned towards Washington, and by cannonading in our rear. Those were exciting days, marked with defeat and disaster to both the campaigns of Pope and McClellan. And to-day we find ourselves, not in quite so bad a predicament, perhaps, but here we are, almost back to Washington again, acting on the defensive – the rebels threatening to capture our own Capital instead of we theirs, and invading the peaceful homes of the North, and menacing towns and cities with destruction. But a rebel invasion north will prove the country’s salvation say some. It may be that it will, and yet the invasion into Maryland and the raid into Pennsylvania last year did not prove so.

But is there a rebel invasion North? Has Lee with his large army really planted the Confederate flag on the soil of the loyal States, and is he marching towards the great and patriotic city of Philadelphia or trying to capture Baltimore? Or is it an extensive raid only, and a feint to get the Army of the Potomac as far north as possible, break up its “base” of operations on the Rappahannock, while Lee all the time has been sending large forces to reinforce Bragg or Johnston, and will the fact develop itself shortly in the defeat of Grant or Rosecrans? (6) We are all in the dark concerning war matters outside of our brigade, and have been most ever since we abandoned the Rappahannock. For several days we have not seen a newspaper, and no mail is allowed to come to us, it being considered unsafe at present to transport the mail from Washington to where we are situated. Plenty of rumors are in circulation about us but nothing reliable can be learned. We feel shut out from intercourse with the world.

Guilford Station is on the Alexandria, Loudon and Hampshire Railroad. The road runs from Alexandria to a little north of Leesburg, a distance I should think of fifty miles. The track is all destroyed a little south of this station, the sleepers have all been burnt, and I know not that any part of the road is in running condition unless in the vicinity of Alexandria.

We arrived here yesterday noon from Herndon, four miles south of this place, where we were encamped for about a day and a half, reaching there from Centreville Wednesday afternoon (June 17). The march on that day was oppressively hot. There was a burning sun, and its scorching rays prostrated several officers and soldiers who were sun struck. The heat was severe enough on the artillery, but how much more severe on the infantry, ladened with heavy knapsacks and guns. We saw more than one poor soldier succumb to the withering effects of the bright and blazing sun. The march was longer than necessary for we got on the wrong road and went out of the way two or three miles. Only the first corps appears to have moved the route we came from Centreville. The twelfth corps I understand marched to Leesburg, between us and the Potomac. Leesburg is eight or ten miles to our north. Whether that place is our destination or not, I cannot say. Our movements have been quite slow the last three or four days.

There is a guerilla band lurking about here. Lieut. Rodgers, ordnance officer, 1st division, was shot at yesterday or day before by some of these bushwhackers, but fortunately unharmed. There are dense woods surrounding us, affording a good hiding place for guerillas. With these worse than highwaymen around you it is not particularly safe to roam off alone far away from camp.

We have been favored with a copious fall of rain since Thursday, which the earth drank with rapidity, so dry and parched had it become. It is cloudy now with indications of more rain.

The health of the troops seems to be excellent. Our own company were never better. The men are in good spirits. They wonder where the “base of operations” will be next. Some of them have boldly hinted on the banks of the Hudson River. Just think of our army, doing picket duty along the picturesque banks of that beautiful stream. Is such an idea very ridiculous? Is it more so, we ask, than would have been the entertainment of a similar idea three years ago, that all last winter and this late spring hostile pickets would be established along the north and south banks of the Rappahannock, representing two immense armies of the same blood, race and country, both numbering less than a quarter of a million of men, arrayed against each in all the deadly and destructive attitude of war? Is the North too righteous and immaculate not to be visited as the South now is, with the scourge and devastation of war? Has she been, and is she too consistent, generous, just, in all her national dealings and acts to warrant total exemption from the heavy woes and miseries of this fearful civil storm, such as have befallen those portions of the country where the rebellion has reigned with strong and unbroken vigor?

Sunday Morning, June 21. – Heavy cannonading can be heard in the direction of Leesburg. The enemy is reported to be in strong force in front of us.

We have just received eight day’s mail. G.B.

Lee’s 75,000 soldiers, reorganized into three corps commanded by James Longstreet, A. P. Hill and Richard Ewell, crossed the Potomac and continued on into Pennsylvania. Hooker, with about 90,000 men, followed cautiously but skillfully, keeping his army in Maryland, “below” Lee, to better shield Washington, D.C. and Baltimore.

Camp near Middletown, Md.,
Saturday, p.m., June 27th, 1863
(Appeared Friday, July 3, 1863)

Eds. Union: -- A change of camp, not only, you perceive, since the date of my last, but a change from one state into another, a transition from “Old Virginia” to “My Maryland.” Need I assure you how much we like the change, and that we have no wish to change back again? We have not a particle of desire to tread the sacred soil of the Old Dominion any more on a war footing. We are not at all anxious to “invade” the homes of the F.F. V.’s again, not because we regard it a sacrilege or desecration to touch them any longer while they remain under the black bane of rebellion, but because we have met with such ill success in the State that we are tired of trying to accomplish anything further in it in the way of ending the war. To use an expressive phrase, in vogue in and out of the army, Virginia is “played out,” and we most devoutly hope that if obliged to cross to the south side of the Potomac for the third time since commencing our war experience, we may do so with no enemy to meet nor any to pursue, but having emphatically, decisively defeated the foe on our old soil, which he is now invading, we may re-enter Virginia, a conquered province in advance. But shall we confess that the hope is a very faint one? We cannot but believe that we shall whip Lee’s army on the ground which he has now boldly chosen for offensive operations, and drive him back to the shores of Virginia, but that won’t be enough. We shall doubtless have to follow him up and do battle with him again, perhaps repeatedly on the soil we have so recently abandoned. Events are fast shaping themselves, however, and before this reaches you we may have fought the most desperate and bloody battle of the war and have recrossed the Potomac. The two armies must inevitably come in collision before many days longer, and one or the other will be dreadfully whipped, we venture to predict.

Almost a year ago and we were in this same valley, this beautiful valley of Middleton, I suppose it may be called, deriving its name from the town or village which is here located between the two mountains, Catoctin and South. We are encamped about midway between the two in a clover field, and surrounded by a country rich, beautiful and magnificent in every sense of the word. The land is splendid for farming purposes and in a high state of cultivation. It must be remarkably healthy here, the valley being high and rolling between the two mountains, and enjoying the mountain breezes and an abundance of pure water. The beauty and picturesqueness of the surrounding scenery can hardly be surpassed. But let me give a brief account of our march to this place.

We broke camp near Guilford Station at nine o’clock Thursday morning (June 25), moving in the direction of Leesburg, over a beautiful turnpike road. After a march of about six or eight miles we turned off toward Edward’s Ford, and pretty soon we found ourselves in sight of the Potomac river. Crossing Goose Creek, which empties into the Potomac and over which was a pontoon bridge, we then crossed the river over another pontoon bridge, and in a little while we were on the shores of Maryland, which we welcomed with no little pleasure. The river at this point is about a thousand or twelve hundred feet wide, but we could discover no signs where it is fordable in the dryest weather.

The contrast between the two sections of country, Virginia and Maryland was immediately perceptible. The former had presented to us a wasted, desolated look, an abandoned, unhomelike appearance, the houses, with here and there an exception, unworthy of the name, and almost everything told of the ravages of war. The latter presented thrift, plenty, beautiful homes, cultivated farms, fields of “waving grain” fast ripening for the sickle, and everything denoted peace and abundance. The lines of fences running along fields and roads in Maryland added much to the contrast – poor Virginia have been completely stripped of these old land marks, wherever the army has been quartered. Maryland will have to suffer now in this respect, but not to a great extent, it being summer, and much more care will be exercised in this State by the troops in saving property, than there was last fall. The soldiers seem fully sensible of the difference between a loyal and disloyal State, and marauding and pillaging will now not go unpunished, under any circumstances, if parties guilty of it be found out. There must be some waste and devastation necessarily by the Federal troops, and if the rebel army linger here long, between it and our own Maryland will present a picture similar to Virginia.

Our march on Thursday was attended with rain most of the day. We passed through Poolesville, a very pretty village, and about dusk we arrived at Barnesville, where we encamped for the night. An old rickety barn afforded us shelter for the night, officers and men gladly availing themselves of its protection from a drizzling rain that fell all night. At half-past four the next morning we are up and ready to march again, and moved in the direction of Frederick. The roads were heavy, the rain still falling, but we made good time,– crossed Sugar Loaf Mountain, so called from its sugar loaf appearance – a mountain densely wooded and very high. At its foot is Monocacy river, which we crossed, and ere long we were ascending Catoctin Mountain, and on reaching its summit a magnificent prospect was spread out before us. The valley of Jefferson lay at our feet, Jefferson town lying two or three miles distant, and looming up on the other side of the valley was a range of the South Mountains, and far off to our front and left was a large mountain gap, the locality of Harper’s Ferry. It was a scene enrapturing to the eye, and exciting feelings of admiration. God’s handiwork was shown, and nature proclaimed her beauty and superiority over art.

The country through which we passed from Barnesville is very rolling, the land is of the very richest kind, and on every side, almost, there met our gaze the most extensive fields of wheat, with large, full and heavy “heads,” which looked as if it would yield a score and a half bushels to the acre, easily. It was a sight which would do the farmers of Monroe County, who know how to appreciate good land and large crops, “good to look at.” The country about here excels in richness the Shenandoah Valley in Virginia, which is saying a good deal, for the Shenandoah is hard to be excelled in fertility and prolificness.

We encamped near Jefferson last night, taking up our line of march, directly north, to Middleton, arriving here this noon, near which place we are bivouacked, as before remarked. We did not pass through Frederic city, but came the route that Franklin’s troops marched last fall when M’Clellan was in command. Crampton’s Gap lies south west of Middleton, three or four miles I believe. We are north east of it, not far from where our battery was in position when the rebels were attacked and repulsed at South Mountain last September. Camps are visible on the slope of the mountain and one can just be seen on or very near its summit. No rebels are there and we have not caught a solitary glimpse of one since we abandoned the Rappahannock. I presume our stay here will be very brief. Your knowledge of the whereabouts and movements of the rebel army is much better than mine and I shall not pretend to impart any. I divine that our next march will be to Hagerstown. The 11th and 12th corps appear to be in advance of us.

The clouds are breaking away and pleasant weather is in prospect again. G.B.

Sunday Morning, June 28.

Rumor is in camp that Harrisburg is in possession of the rebels. Rather premature we think. Not impossible however. They next may find us in the old Keystone State, and don’t be surprised if we get as far as our own, the Empire State. Lee is playing a bold and desperate game surely, but we hope Hooker will be able to “checkmate” him. His military skill and ability, and in fact that of all our generals, will be put to the greatest test now. Heaven grant that Lee’s advance northward may prove the advance of his army to capture or destruction.

No indications of moving to-day. Everything is very quiet. We heard the glad music of church bells from Middleton this morning.

Though Breck could not know it, June 28 was a significant day for both sides. Lee, now well into Pennsylvania but deprived of the services of Stuart’s cavalry, had been groping in the dark, uncertain of Hooker’s movements. That evening, one of Longstreet’s spies disclosed that Union forces were concentrating in and around Frederick, Md. Lee ordered Ewell, who was indeed about to advance on Harrisburg, to concentrate with the rest of Lee’s army near Cashtown and Gettysburg instead. Also on June 28, the Army of the Potomac underwent another shakeup in its high command. Hooker wanted to abandon Harpers Ferry and use the troops there in his own army. When Halleck overruled this, Hooker offered his resignation. (7) Lincoln was only too happy to oblige. He appointed V Corps commander George Meade in Hooker’s place. The Army of the Potomac was about to enter its most important battle with a brand new commander.

The collision occurred on July 1. Gen. John Buford’s cavalry division entered Gettysburg the day before, just as Confederate patrols were leaving the town headed west. Buford, recognizing the strategic importance of the crossroads and the excellent terrain for waging battle, resolved to hold the town. The next morning the Confederates came back, an entire division checking out reports that a supply of shoes could be found in the small college town. The most famous battle of the Civil War was underway.

Buford’s dismounted troopers forced the Confederates to deploy into a line of battle just west of town. Union and Confederate formations converged on the sound of battle. Wadsworth’s division, with Battery L, was the first to arrive on the field. Battery L was initially held in reserve as Wadsworth’s men advanced to McPherson Ridge, relieved the cavalrymen and became engaged in vicious fighting in a nearby woods and an unfinished railroad cut, stopping the Confederates in their tracks.

However, about 1 p.m. the battery was sent forward onto the ridge next to the Chambersburg Pike to relieve another battery. It came under a destructive crossfire from Confederate artillery posted both to the west and north. Capt. Gilbert Reynolds was struck near the eye when an enemy shell sent gravel flying into his face. He was ordered from the field, leaving Breck in command of the battery. It was soon forced to retire.

Two sections of the battery under Lt. Bower were later posted on McPherson’s Ridge south of the woods, while the third section under Lieutenant Wilbur was put in an orchard farther north at the McPherson Farm.

The Confederates were able to bring more formations onto the field, imperiling the Union I Corps, fighting to the west and northwest of town, and the XI Corps, directly north of town. When the Confederates resumed their assault in late afternoon, Bower’s two sections were pulled back to Seminary Ridge south of the Lutheran Seminary. Wilbur’s section fell back to the same ridge, but remained north of the seminary along the pike. No doubt the splitting up of the battery greatly complicated Breck’s task as its new commander. In his official report, Breck says he stayed with Wilbur’s section for at least part of the time it was detached on its own. (8)

A breakdown in communications played a major part in the drama that was about to unfold. Col. Wainwright, commander of the I Corps artillery brigade, overheard a German-American officer of XI Corps explaining that Cemetery Hill (south of Gettysburg) must be held at all costs. Wainwright, unaware of any Cemetery Hill, and confused by the officer’s accent, assumed he meant Seminary hill. And so Wainwright kept his artillery in position, even as the supporting infantry of I Corps began to retreat into town. (9)

By the time Wainwright realized his peril, masses of Confederate infantry were already approaching. As the guns withdrew, Rebel soldiers suddenly approached within point blank range of Wilbur’s section, leading to the capture of one of Wilbur’s guns.

Breck, in the meantime, was busy conducting the battery’s caissons, containing spare ammunition, safely to the rear … (10)

In camp near Gettysburg, Pa.
July 5, 1863
(Appeared Monday, July 13, 1863)

Dear Union: -- I have time to write but a few lines, scarcely more than to furnish a list of casualties in our battery in the battle of Gettysburg. In the absence of Capt. Reynolds, who was wounded in the first day’s fight, the command of the company devolves upon your correspondent, and he has a multiplicity of matters to attend to, occupying for the present almost his entire attention. We were active participants in the late great conflict, from its commencement to its close, and we never witnessed or experienced such severe fighting. It was terrible, and the wonder is that we escaped as we did. We suffered badly the first day’s engagement, losing one piece with all the horses and everything complete, and with a loss of several wounded. Lieut. Wilber had command of the section containing the piece in another part of the field away from the rest of the battery, and was in the act of falling back with our forces when the rebels suddenly opened a terrific fire on his right, killing all the six horses attached to the gun and shooting the one under Lieut. W. It was impossible to save the piece. The enemy was almost within bayonet thrust. Wednesday’s battle (July 1) was against us. We were driven back through Gettysburg to Cemetery Heights, and matters went badly nearly all day. Perhaps the death of Major General Reynolds, so early in the engagement, was one result of it. Everything seemed – so at least to your correspondent – to be in a greatly confused condition. There were conflicting orders and there was wanted a head. The rebels outnumbered us three to one. But time will not permit me, as before remarked, to enter into details. The following is a list of our casualties:
Capt. G.H. Reynolds, wounded in left eye and bruised in left side. Taken to hospital in town, taken prisoner and found in Gettysburg on the rebels evacuating it. Sent to hospital in Baltimore. Doing well.
Edward Costello, killed.
Michael Elringer, wounded slightly in head. Doing well.
John Vallier, wounded in right foot and missing.
Patrick Gray, wounded in back by piece of rail, a shell striking it, is missing.
Edward Foster, wounded in left foot. In hospital.
George Morris, wounded slightly in side. In hospital at Gettysburg.
John P. Conn, wounded in scalp, and left arm and leg paralyzed. In hospital in Gettysburg.
George Gavitt, wounded in face and leg and missing.
William Cronoble, wounded in right shoulder. In hospital.
John Cronshaw, wounded in neck. In hospital.
Sergeant Charles A. Rooney, slightly wounded and missing.
Amos Gibbs, wounded in left wrist. In hospital.
Victor Gretter, slightly wounded in leg, but able to do duty.
William Wood, slightly wounded in ankle. In hospital.
Corporal George Blake, slightly wounded in right side, but able to remain in battery.
Most of the above were taken prisoners in Gettysburg and found there on our reoccupying the town. Isaac Weinberg was captured while attending to Capt. Reynolds, but is now safe and sound with the company.

We took position Wednesday evening (July 1) on the right slope of Cemetery Heights, and remained there till yesterday morning, fighting Thursday and Friday, hotly and closely engaged with the enemy with artillery and infantry, encircled almost with a terrific fire, charged upon, when a battery upon our immediate left had one gun spiked by a rebel who boldly rushed up and spiked it; lost twenty-two horses killed and wounded, had a gun disabled, but considering the fire to which we were exposed, we came off almost miraculously. Thursday afternoon and evening we fought for four continuous hours without cessation. Friday’s battle was terribly severe and grand beyond description. Most desperate were the charges made by the enemy to break and turn our right and left flanks, but they were most handsomely repulsed, though with an immense slaughter on both sides.

We were relieved from duty yesterday morning, and are now encamped about two miles from the front. We are expecting, however, orders to move at any moment. There they come now.

Major Reynolds returned Thursday night. He was seven days trying to find the battery. G.B.

Though the defeat of I and XI Corps on July 1 had all the appearances of a major Union setback, two important things were accomplished. The Confederates were prevented from seizing the high ground south of town where Meade’s army assembled in a tight fishhook-shaped defensive line for the next two critical days of fighting. Moreover, the Union soldiers had inflicted severe casualties on several Confederate brigades, depriving Lee of the extra offensive punch he needed to breach the Union position.

Battery L, reduced to five guns, was placed on the east-facing slope of Cemetery Hill, not far from the cemetery gatehouse. On the afternoon of July 2 it participated in a fierce artillery duel waged between the Union artillery on Cemetery Hill and Confederate batteries posted on Benner’s Hill, about 1,300 yards to the northeast. Wainwright, in his diaries, described being nearly killed when he walked in front of one of Battery L’s guns just as it was about to be discharged. Breck’s battery and another “fired beautifully,” he added. (11) Later that evening, after Longstreet’s assault on the Union left sputtered out, Confederate soldiers from Jubal Early’s division briefly penetrated the Union position just to the left of Breck’s battery, overrunning another battery and setting off a wild melee in the darkness. The Confederates were beaten back.

On the climactic third day, Lee gambled that Meade had weakened the center of his line to beat back Longstreet’s and Ewell’s attacks against the Union left and right, respectively, on the previous day. He sent three divisions against the Union center on Cemetery Ridge. “Pickett’s Charge” was a disaster, with nearly half of the estimated 12,000 attackers killed, wounded or missing. Lee began his retreat late the next day.

The carnage of the three-day battle was staggering, even by the standards of the Civil War. Of an estimated 166,000 to 170,000 combatants on both sides, about 51,000 were casualties. The North could replace its losses; the South could not. Lee would never again lead an invasion of the North.

Though Breck’s guns were not in position to fire at the final Confederate assault on July 3, his battery expended a total of 1,290 rounds during the three-day battle. Two of Breck’s men were killed, 14 were wounded and another was captured. Twenty-two of the battery’s horses were also killed or disabled. (12)

Much of this must be gleaned from the official records. Breck, suddenly thrust into command of the battery in the midst of battle, understandably had his hands full. “I shall try and write to the Union this afternoon, or tomorrow, if possible, though I have but precious little time to write letters just at present.” Breck explained in a letter he began writing for Ellen on July 2, but didn’t complete until July 5, the same day he finally posted his hastily written column above. “There are a thousand things to attend to. Reports to make out, horses, harnesses, etc., etc., to be got, and lots to do.” (13) His newspaper readers would have to wait another week before they next heard from Breck.

A severe storm late on July 4 covered Lee’s retreat, but also caused the Potomac to rise, preventing the Confederates from crossing back into Virginia. By July 9, Meade’s army occupied a 4-mile line from Rohrersville to Boonsboro, Md., confronting Lee’s battered soldiers, who had dug in to await replacement of a pontoon bridge. (14) Lincoln, sensing an opportunity to destroy Lee’s trapped army, prodded Meade to attack. Meade, however, demurred after most of his senior corps commanders advised against it.

In the field near Beaver Creek, Md.
July 11, 1863
(Appeared Monday, July 20, 1863)

Dear Union – I will improve the present leisure moments in writing you a few lines. We are in position along the outskirts of a wood, on a range of hills on the extreme right of the army, or rather, on the right in rear of one line of the army, for in front of us about three-quarters of a mile distant is another range of hills on which our troops are posted. On our immediate right the hill descends to the creek, mentioned in the caption of my letter, in the vicinity of which are a few scattering houses constituting a village. Further to our right lies South Mountain, stretching far off to the north. Beautiful farms, with fields of ripe grain, some of it cut and shocked, lie all about us. Here we are in battle array, with rifle pits, intrenchments and rail barricades thrown up in our front, ready to receive the enemy whenever he chooses to attack us. We are of the opinion, however, that Gen. Lee has had enough of attacking the army of the Potomac in a strong fortified position, and that he will not molest it again while acting on the defensive, especially under present circumstances, for Gen .Meade has made such a disposition of his forces on the high hills around here that it would be certain destruction for Lee to fight him, though the rebel General were greatly superior in numbers. But everything indicates as if Meade was expecting an attack.

We took position here yesterday, marching from the west slope of South Mountain, where we lay encamped two nights and a day. On arriving here, a cavalry force was skirmishing with the enemy a mile or two to the front, and there was quite a brisk cannonade. The rebels were supposed to be in large force, and it was rumored they had been reinforced from Culpepper. There have been no demonstrations to-day, with the exception of a few reports in the direction of Williamsport, which lies about eight miles from here. The right wing of the rebel army rests there, and their left is at Funkstown, or was, for I have just heard they had evacuated that place. But why mention these matters, when you doubtless have a knowledge of them already!

We began our pursuit of the rebels Monday afternoon, the 6th inst. Arrived as far as Cemetery Hill, where the most terrific struggle of the three day’s battle occurred, in which Lee seemed to stake everything in the attempt to break our lines, but most disastrously failed – went into park and remained till the next morning. What a sight was presented here! This beautiful cemetery was completely devastated. Monuments were broken to pieces, marble slabs were torn down, iron fences surrounding beautifully arranged lots, containing the remains of the dead, were almost destroyed, graves were almost destroyed, graves were trampled upon and many of them showed deep furrows where cannon balls had plowed up the earth, carcasses of dead horses lay scattered about; here and there were soldier’s tents, and then at the foot of one side of the hill where the fierce and deadly onset of the enemy was made, there lay a multitude of wounded confederate soldiers, who had been gathered in from the fatal battle field and were waiting to be carried away in ambulances. The sufferings of most of them were intense, and their groans were heartrending. A number of their comrades was dying, and not far away were being deposited in the “cold earth,” without coffins, their remains simply wrapped up in blankets, several of these poor men, who had paid the penalty of fighting against their country, with death. One poor fellow was in a delirium, and crying for his mother. Another was begging for mercy and deliverance from on high. Others were sad and silent, their looks expressive of their distressful situation. And again, there was a wounded sergeant who did not seem to mind his wounds, but was laughing and talking with our own soldiers, discussing the merits of the two armies, arguing the justness of the southern cause, etc. I conversed with a number, two or three of them officers, and found them men of interest and intelligence. One, a lieutenant, a very pleasant and intelligent man, said that one of the divisions which made the charge on the left was almost annihilated. It numbered some 8,000 men. Mention was made of the death of Barksdale, and of his having been one of the instigators of the rebellion. (15) Yes, remarked the rebel Lieutenant, it is to be deplored that the war was ever commenced by either Northern or Southern incentives. The remark was hitting the nail on the head, we thought. These wounded rebel officers and soldiers expressed a wish that the war was ended, but they appeared to manifest no disposition to yield first, notwithstanding they were experiencing in their minds and persons all the horrors of war. However bad the rebel cause may be, and however just the war is as waged against it, the soldiers engaged in it have won the respect and admiration of their adversaries, the Federal troops, for their undaunted bravery and fortitude. They are not a whit inferior in valor and soldier like qualities to our own troops. Both sides are equally matched in that respect.

The battles of Gettysburg, as remarked in a previous letter, were terribly destructive to life. The losses in both armies will figure up in killed, wounded and prisoners, not less than 45,000. It may not generally be known that Wednesday’s fight (July 1) was attended with a capture of 5,000 Federal officers and soldiers from the 1st and 11th corps, who were sent to Richmond. Such is the case, however. One hundred and twenty odd officers were taken prisoners. The 1st corps found itself in a “hornet’s nest” that day, and it was most fortunate the rebels halted at Gettysburg after getting possession of the place instead of following up what proved a transient success in the end. Had they pushed on with their overwhelming numbers, we fear the nation would not have had occasion to rejoice over such a splendid victory as resulted to our arms, under the blessing of God, on the 3d day of July.

On Monday (July 6) we marched to within a short distance of Emmettsburg and took position on a rise of ground fronting Cotoctin Mountains. The next morning we resumed our march, and that day and night witnessed the longest and the hardest, roughest, severest march we ever performed as a battery. It rained all day, and though part of the route was over a fine turnpike, the rest of it was over a road of rocks and through depths of mud, and the last four miles was up the highest peak of the Catoctin Mountain, the summit of which we did not reach till after dark. It was densely wooded, and the darkness became Egyptian like. We had to feel our way. We turned into a small rocky field on the mountain about 10 o’clock, and there encamped for the night, the rain coming down in perfect torrents, and officers and men were wet through. We had marched about thirty miles that day and were completely tuckered out. Three hours after bivouacking, however, we were ordered to be ready to move out again at 3 o’clock in the morning. At the time we were in readiness to go and moved to Middleton that forenoon.

Sunday, July 12. – We are still in the same position, but are under orders to be ready to move. What the enemy is about I do not know. Report says he is fortifying on the old Antietam ground. Don’t credit the stories about the demoralization or disorganization of Lee’s army. It is all fol-de-rol, and such reports do great harm. Expectations and hopes are raised in minds of the people at home which are likely to result in unhappy disappointment. The Federal army won a great victory at Gettysburg, but Lee’s army is not destroyed. Far from it. There is more fighting to be done, lots of it, and thousands of more troops are needed.

Most of the wounded men in our battery are in Germantown hospital, and doing well.

Major Reynolds has been assigned to a command in the Reserve Artillery. We regret to part with him. G.B.

Transcribed And Donated By Bob MarcotteTranscribed And Donated By Bob Marcotte
​​​​​​​Robert E. Marcotte
Rochester, N.Y.
February 2005