Battery L, 1st Artillery Regiment (Light) - George Breck Columns: Chapter 10: “A Battle Of Blunders” Second Bull Run, Aug. 20, 1862 – Sept. 4, 1862

1st Artillery Regiment (Light)
Battery L
George Breck Columns
Chapter X:

“May God prosper the cause and crown it with speedy success,” Breck wrote on Aug. 13. Speed would be a critical factor in the weeks ahead. For on Aug. 4, Union officials ordered McClellan to abandon Harrison’s Landing, re-embark his soldiers on ships and send them to reinforce Pope’s army in northern Virginia. To the North, this was an opportunity to consolidate its forces and renew the advance on Richmond from a new direction in overwhelming force. To Robert E. Lee, however, it offered a brief window of opportunity to change the strategic balance. It would take time for the Peninsula troops to reach Pope, especially given McClellan’s plodding tendencies. If Lee moved quickly, he could join Jackson with the rest of his army, and crush Pope before McClellan’s men arrived. Pope, whose bluster had been considerably deflated after Cedar Mountain, was well aware of this possibility, and, when confronted with Lee’s entire army, pulled his forces back behind the Rappahannock River to await McClellan’s men. Lee followed, eager to get at Pope’s army.

In Camp, near the Rappahannock River, Va.
Aug. 20, 1862
(Appeared Friday, Sept. 5, 1862)

Dear Union: -- Near the Rappahannock River does not describe very definitely the locality of our camp, for the Rappahannock is a river of no ordinary length, traversing from the north of Virginia in a south-easterly direction, a distance I should think of nearly one-third or one-fourth of the entire State. Well, we are back again on the east side of the river, about midway between Culpepper and Warrenton Junction, making the third or fourth time we have crossed and recrossed the Rappahannock within six weeks. Here are all of Banks’ and McDowell’s troops, but I suppose we are not to remain here but are to push on, where I don’t know. A week ago or less, thousands of troops were on the way towards the Rapidan. As we lay in camp near Culpepper, we saw regiment after regiment of infantry, squadrons of cavalry and batteries of artillery on the line of march, advancing, and they informed us they belonged to Burnside’s command. One battery of heavy guns was Carlisle’s battery, or a portion of it, which we know was in McClellan’s army. Of course when we received marching orders again, we expected to follow all these troops. Monday afternoon (Aug. 18) about 3 o’clock orders came to get ready and march at a moment’s notice, and to cook three days rations. On to Gordonsville, or in that direction, we thought surely; but how mistaken we were, as two hours afterwards showed us. On receiving the orders, a requisition for commissary stores was immediately made, but before they could be obtained orders to march came, and orders also to start our baggage and commissary wagons along without delay, as the teams were to go in the advance. We couldn’t very well cook rations when we were ordered at the same time to send them away and to march ourselves, so the boys filled their haversacks with crackers and went forth to journey, and perhaps to fight, on the strength of these adamantine viands, as was supposed, for three days. Business calling us down town we found everything bustle and confusion. Camps were breaking up, at headquarters camps had been taken down and removed, teams were moving, but all indicated a retrograde movement, not an advance. We were told Banks’ army were to march to the Rappahannock. A new “base of operations” had been determined upon. Pope’s and McClellan’s armies were to be brought together and there was to be one “line of operations.” There was to be a fresh and new start, we inferred in military matters, throughout all our forces in Virginia. Our retreat mustn’t be considered a forced one, but a voluntary affair, although there were reports that Sigel was then being attacked and heavy fighting was going on at the Rapidan.

By six o’clock we were on the march, but we hadn’t moved more than half a mile before we were ordered to halt. We must wait till twelve o’clock – until the baggage train of McDowell’s army had passed and got ahead. They were coming in from Cedar Mountain, hundreds of wagons, and they kept coming not only till twelve o’clock, but till nine or ten o’clock the next morning, both McDowell’s and Sigel’s baggage trains. A tedious night that was. (1) It was almost noon before we resumed our march, and under the direction of Major Keefer we were conducted on the army road to a distance of two or three miles, and, after a halt of another hour or two, we countermarched, and finally striking the right road leading to Warrenton Junction, we marched till six o’clock that night, crossing the Rappahannock by fording it with our battery and taking up our position near some woods. Twenty-four hours we had been coming from Culpepper, a distance of twelve miles, with nothing scarcely but crackers to eat and a scanty supply of water to drink. We managed to get some coffee that night before making up our beds on the ground, which was refreshing enough to all of us. We awoke this morning to find thousands of troops all around us. Whether we are to remain here or fall back to Warrenton Junction I cannot say. Our cavalry are not skirmishing this morning. Sigel is reported as having fallen back to Warrenton, or fighting back.

August 23d

My letter was brought to an abrupt termination Wednesday noon (Aug. 20) in consequence of an attack by the enemy’s pickets upon our cavalry skirmishers about four miles west of the Rappahannock, which caused orders to be issued calling out our battery to take position in the field. The firing of musketry was very rapid and sharp and our cavalry were driven back, though not without a brisk encounter with the enemy. There is a clay fortification thrown up near the railroad bridge that crosses the river, and on this fortification there was a battery planted, which soon opened a heavy fire on the rebels. Troops were drawn up in line of battle in the rear of this fortification, as well as in other places near the river, and it was here we were directed to go with our battery and report to Gen. McDowell. We did so and were assigned to Gen. Duryea’s Brigade, in which are the 104th and 105th N.Y. Regiments. (2) There was no general engagement brought on, however, and by five o’clock everything was quiet again. It was reported that Jackson was in strong force in front of us and was menacing an attack.

We did not return to our old position, but were transferred to Gen. (Rufus) Keyes’ (King’s) Division, and it is in his division that we now are. The 16th Indiana Battery, which was in the reserve artillery of Banks’ Corps with ourselves, has also been transferred to Gen. Keyes’ (King’s) Division, which is attached to Gen. McDowell’s (Third) Corps. Whether we are to remain permanently or not in King’s Division, and consequently in McDowell’s Corps, I do not know. It is very likely we shall. The Indiana and our own batteries are encamped with battery B, 4th Regular Artillery, Capt. (Joseph B.) Campbell commanding, who is Chief of Artillery in Gen. King’s Division. We are under his command, as Chief of Artillery, so long as we are attached to King’s Division, a fact that we congratulate ourselves upon, and no mistake – a decided change in certain matters from what we have lately been experiencing.

Gen. King’s Division is composed of four Brigades, in command of Generals (Marsena) Patrick, (Abner) Doubleday, of Fort Sumter fame, (John P.) Hatch, recently in command of a Cavalry Regiment or Brigade, and (John) Gibbon. This Division formerly belonged to McClellan’s army, and was pronounced by Gen. McClellan as the best drilled and disciplined Division in the Army of the Potomac. Gen. King, as doubtless your readers are aware, was assigned to the command of the 1st Corps of the Army of Virginia, but declined accepting the command, preferring to retain his present one.

Pope’s retreat behind the Rappahannock River improved his position. He was now closer to Washington, in a better position to receive reinforcements from McClellan. Moreover, the river could be crossed at only a few fords, hampering Lee’s efforts to get at Pope’s army before it was heavily reinforced. On Thursday, Aug. 21, Lee tried to force a crossing at Beverly Ford, about two miles above the railroad bridge at Rappahannock Station. The 5th Virginia Cavalry and two cannon from Taliaferro’s division of Jackson’s command crossed the river, routing a Union battery and regiment, as Breck relates below. This set off “a flurry of action in nearby Union camps,” Hennessy writes. McDowell “rode furiously” to Battery L and Patrick’s brigade, and ordered them to drive the Rebels back across the river. Battery L was about to have its baptism of fire…(3)

We have passed through some pretty stirring events since Thursday morning (Aug. 21). About 8 o’clock that morning cannonading commenced between a rebel battery and Crouner’s battery, 1st N.Y. Artillery, on the opposite side of the river, at a distance of a mile. The enemy began the fire, and succeeded in silencing Crouner’s battery, killing one, wounding two or three, including Capt. Crouner, dismounting a piece, and causing it to retire from the field. The 3d Maryland Regiment, which was supporting the Federal battery, became frightened and skedaddled. A section of the rebel battery crossed the river and shelled Crouner’s battery way down the road. Matters got to be very lively and ominous by this time, and Gen. McDowell, riding through where our battery was parked, gave orders for us to harness and hitch our horses immediately, and also ordered Gen. Patrick’s Brigade to move forward and take a position about three-quarters of a mile this side of the river.

At eleven o’clock, the cannonading continuing as briskly as ever on the rebel side, our battery was ordered into the field, and away we went, the last half mile on a lively trot, the shells of the enemy’s cannon flying and bursting over and all about us. It was the first time Reynolds’ Battery had ever been called into real action, and, of course, it was no small thing with us, being thus exposed to such a sharp fire as was firing upon our right and left, in our front and rear and overhead. Going up the road that Crouner’s Battery came down and crossing a field, we took our position on the top of a hill in front of Patrick’s Brigade, formed in battery immediately, and opened fire on our hostile neighbors who were opposite us near some woods, about 1,500 yards, and who were sending us any number of complements in the shape of solid shot and shells. Capt. Reynolds told his “boys” to aim accurately, fire slow but sure. Better to fire but one shot in five minutes and have it tell, than half a dozen a minute with no effect. “Don’t get excited,” said he, “but keep cool,” which advice was certainly carried out to the letter by all the boys, who did their duty nobly. Our rifled pieces began to speak with an emphasis, and effectively too, for we silenced the enemy’s battery in a short time, causing him to take a new position. (4) He opened again, however, and again we silenced him and made him seek a new locality for his guns. Four times we did this without changing our own position, the duel lasting two hours and a half. We were in an exposed position and the firing of the rebel battery was sharp and accurate. They had our range completely, their shots falling all about us, but with one sad, very sad exception, did us no damage, or caused no casualties to our company. The exception refers to Orderly Sergeant Wm. H. Bower, who was acting as Lieutenant and had command of the centre section. About an hour after we had been engaged, a shell burst near Sergeant Bower, a fragment of it striking his left arm, shattering the elbow joint so badly that it became necessary to amputate his arm a few hours afterwards.

The shell struck him as he was encouraging the boys in his section to give the enemy their just deserts. He was quite enthusiastic in the performance of his duty, and we need not say how sadly the company felt on learning how seriously one of their most favorite members was wounded. Orderly Bower was about receiving a lieutenant’s commission in place of the vacancy created by the resignation of Lieut. Loder, a request to that effect having been made to Gov. Morgan by Capt. Reynolds, which no doubt would have been and perhaps has been granted, as no appointment could be more eminently deserving. Orderly Bower was conveyed from the field immediately after he was wounded and has been sent to Alexandria or Washington. (5)

After the rebel battery had changed position the fourth time, two sections of our battery advanced in front and to the right, forming in battery in an open field, where the rebel battery once more opened fire on us. This time they were driven back across the river and the whole battery, with Patrick’s brigade, then advanced, occupying the same ground the enemy had occupied. Halting in another field, sharpshooters were deployed as they had been before to the front, Gen. Patrick’s brigade being on our left and in advance of us. Skirmishing was carried on, our side constantly going forward, the right section in command of Lieut. Reynolds, and the Captain advanced to a hill and the two pieces were formed in battery under cover of the brow of the hill, the rebels being on the edge of the river, just opposite, near some thick woods. Their sharpshooters were popping at our men, and it was risky business to run our guns on top of the hill, for fear of cannoneers being picked off by the enemy’s balls that were dropping all about very plentuously. It was done, however, and a shower of cannister was poured into the woods, which made the rebel sharpshooters run and scatter like sheep. By this time it had begun to grow dark, and the woods concealed the enemy so effectually that further effort to dislodge him from them was abandoned, and our force retired, falling back, in part, to their former position. While retiring, the rebel battery opened a brisk fire on us again, and it is a wonder, with their shells bursting about us so, that there were none killed, though some of Gen. Patrick’s brigade were wounded. Thirty or thirty-five had been killed and wounded, including some of Berdan’s sharpshooters, since the fighting began in the forenoon.

Skirmishers reported that our battery had done considerable execution before the rebel battery retreated across the river. Six men were found killed and a caisson was disabled. Our sharpshooters picked off six or seven cavalry, and we could distinctly see their horses galloping off with empty saddles. Two or three prisoners were taken, including a rebel captain. One man surrendered himself, hoisting a white handkerchief on his gun while in the field. Quite a number of the enemy must have been killed and wounded as the result of Thursday’s engagement.

General Patrick’s brigade and our battery were about the only forces engaged on our side. Too much praise cannot well be bestowed on General Patrick’s brigade. A finer, braver, more disciplined body of men I have not seen since being in the army. They have seen a good deal of service, and are men to be relied upon in time of action. To be permanently attached to such a brigade, under such a commander as General Patrick, is all that we could ask for. If General Patrick’s advice and request had been complied with, a great deal more might have been accomplished Thursday afternoon. With the assistance of another brigade to act on our right, the rebels might have been cleared out much more effectually than they were. What a pity it is that there is no more unity of design and action among our bigger generals. The cry has been and is, “more troops,” and here they already are, “300,000 more.” May we not hope that something else will now be exhibited?

All Thursday night (Aug. 21) we were kept in the field, ready for fighting. The men had had nothing to eat excepting some hard crackers, and the horses nothing to eat or drink. Nothing was had that night. We had done a pretty good day’s work, we thought; at any rate General Patrick thought so, and complimented, as also did other officers, the battery for their bravery and efficiency. Perhaps it isn’t in very good taste for us to say this, but who will say it for us, if we don’t, inasmuch as we are not fortunate enough to have a New York reporter to herald any praise-worthy deeds we may perform? We promise to tell nothing but facts, and our friends can decide whether there be any merit in them or not.

Friday morning (Aug. 22) at 4 o’clock, after a rainy and hard night’s rest on the ground beside our pieces, Gen. Patrick’s Brigade and our battery were relieved from duty by Gen. Hatch’s brigade and the 16th Indiana battery. We had not more than left our positions before the rebels commenced a heavy cannonading, their shells flying in our midst thickly as the day before. The 16th Indiana replied, but their firing was rather wild and desultory. Another of our batteries opened fire on the right, but before they got into position hardly, they lost two horses, and I think had a piece dismounted or a carriage disabled. The firing was sharp and heavy on both sides. We waited a while, thinking we would be called back again into column, notwithstanding the men and horses were very nearly exhausted for the want of something to eat and drink. We were ordered to go back to camp, however, and rest. We hadn’t been back more than half an hour when orders came to proceed immediately to the same position we occupied on the hill. Two pieces of the Indiana battery had become disabled. Before reaching the hill the firing had ceased on both sides, and there was no more firing near us that day. Our pieces were worked as much as possible behind the hill, and a kind of natural breastworks protected us from any firing the enemy might accommodate us with. We remained all day and night in battery, supported by Gen. Doubleday’s brigade. Gen. Hatch’s command had been thrown on our right and front. There was heavy cannonading and sharp musketry during the day on our extreme right and left along the river. Sigel’s pickets had joined McDowell’s on our right, and Burnside was giving the enemy the benefit of many good shots on our left.

Though Lee was thwarted at Beverly Ford, he continued to probe for a crossing, gradually shifting his forces farther and farther upstream, trying to find a way to get around Pope’s right flank and attack the Union force before it could be reinforced with McClellan’s men. However, he had to ensure that Pope would not try to do the same thing. To safeguard his own right flank, Lee sent Longstreet’s men downstream on Aug. 23 to try to drive the federals away from Beverly Ford and a federal outpost on the south bank of the river at Rappahannock Station, which could serve as a jumping off point for a federal attack. This touched off “one of the fiercest small artillery duels of the war,” Hennessy notes. “ For three hours nearly fifty cannon turned the lowlands between Rappahannock Bridge and Beverly Ford into a swirling caldron.” (6) Once again Breck and his battery mates were caught in the midst of the fighting.

Friday night it rained. We crawled under the paulins stretched over our pieces and caissons, obtaining all the protection we could from the rain and a little rest for our somewhat wearied bodies. At three o’clock Saturday morning (Aug. 23) we were aroused by the report that the rebels had thrown a bridge across the river during the night, and would no doubt attack us in force by daybreak. We got all ready for them, but everything was quiet till 8 o’clock, in consequence of a heavy fog or mist which concealed from view, to some extent, either side from the other. The mist disappearing, the rebels opened all along our front a general cannonading. A rebel battery was planted directly opposite our own, just across the river in a wheat field, and began firing on a Federal battery, on a line parallel with our own and to the right. If I mistake not it was the 16th Indiana battery fired upon. We saw the battery, very plainly, come into the field and take position, and we longed to open on it with our pieces before they began firing. We waited for orders to be given, however, which, had they been given a little sooner, would have prevented, undoubtedly, the rebels forming in battery. I do not think they saw our guns, for it was a very bold manoeuvre, taking the position they did right in front of us, in plain sight, at a distance of not over 1,400 yards. Diagonally, on our left, about a mile distant, another rebel battery was planted, partially concealed by some hay-stacks, which opened fire on a Federal battery opposite it. We now began firing on the battery opposite us, which was replied to, and also on the one on our left. The first was silenced in a little while, and so was the second, but not without a very sharp artillery duel. We were exposed to an enfilade fire, as you perceive, and the firing of the enemy was very accurate. They had our range perfectly, and fired twelve pound shells of English manufacture, and from guns, evidently, of the most excellent and effective character. The rebel firing – what we have seen of it – is not wild and careless, but very accurate and perfect. They know how to get the range of our positions admirably.

Their shells, many of them, did not burst, very fortunately, for had they, there is no telling how much damage might have been done us. They struck in front and about us, and then ricocheted or bounded off like a rubber ball. We had a wheel disabled, and two of our drivers were slightly scratched, but no harm was done. When ever the rebels fired, by the flash of their guns we got behind the embankments or small breast works mentioned above. I might relate several narrow escapes, but private correspondence will do this.

Gen. Doubleday, in two or three instances, aimed our guns, and with effect. He is probably one of the best and most experienced artillerists in the country. He told us to “get down” whenever the flash of the rebel pieces were seen. He is a splendid commander, and condescends, as some Brigadiers we know of do not, to look after the physical wants of his men. (7) His brigade, like Gen. Patrick’s, is a very fine one. We silenced, or help to silence the enemy’s battery, and they moved from the field, sustaining a good deal of damage, as Gen. Doubleday has since told Capt. Reynolds.

But my letter has grown too long, and I fear tedious. It is now Monday (Aug. 25) as I write, and we are no longer at Rappahannock Crossing, as the place is called, where our artillery fighting occurred. We are in Warrenton, very near where we were five weeks ago. Going back, where I wonder, and what does it all mean! Will we halt at Harper’s Ferry, or will we bring up at Washington, D.C.! We certainly were not obliged to evacuate Rappahannock Crossing. Jackson is up this way, or was, a few days since, and this will never do of course. McClellan is here too, or not far from here, with lots of troops. But why write all this when you already know it, and all about our army here and its operations, though I doubt whether you are allowed to publish it just at present. Letters, I understand, go no further than Washington. A strict censorship on all correspondence, private and public. Such being the case, you may never receive this communication, or if received, a very stale affair it will be, if published. (8)

A wonderful circumlocution institution our army is getting to be, don’t you think so! But we must have faith in our Generals, though it is a little queer that before Richmond can be taken, the whole army must fall back, as appearances now indicate, to the Potomac. It will all come out right in the end, we of course believe, but Stonewall Jackson is a very troublesome character and hasn’t he and his rebel brother generals, to tell the truth, rather outwitted our own great generals? Facts are stubborn things and stare a person right in the face, however badly we may dislike them. But enough. I have written this as I could find time to write, catching a spare moment here and there. Last week was the hardest week we ever experienced as a soldier. Five days and nights, marching and fighting, and a trifle only to eat. (9) But the company are all well, in good spirits, and feel like “old veterans” in the service. We had a good time resting yesterday, and indulged in fresh beef and green corn. Are doing the same to-day. Corn fields are suffering about Warrenton. G.B.

Lee, stymied along the Rappahannock, needed to draw Pope into the open and destroy him before more of McClellan’s forces could join him. He resolved upon on one of the boldest strokes of the war. Violating basic military tenets, he divided his army in the face of the enemy, sending Jackson’s corps of 24,000 infantry on a remarkable, two-day forced march of 54 miles, beyond the right end of Pope’s army, then through Thoroughfare Gap far in the federal rear, to destroy Pope’s supply base at Manassas Junction. While Jackson marched, Longstreet’s corps of 30,000 men remained along the Rappahannock opposite Sulphur Springs and Waterloo Bridge, diverting Pope’s attention. When Pope ordered McDowell’s Corps to try to cross the Rappahannock at Sulphur Springs, the movement touched off a “protracted, nasty” artillery duel described by Breck below. (10)

Upton’s Hill, Va.
Sept. 4, 1862
Appeared Sept. 11, 1862

Dear Union: -- My last letter left us encamped very pleasantly at Warrenton. It has been almost impossible since then to write a single line, so constantly have we been kept busy both day and night, and then, too, as remarked in my last communication, the suppression of private and public correspondence has prevented the writing of letters. This, what we consider very unwise, and may we not be allowed also to say, so far as relates to private communications, very shameful embargo, is still in force, we understand, and none of the army are allowed to send so much as a solitary word home, be it only to acquaint friends and relatives of their private condition. This is certainly, to use a common phrase, “running the thing into the ground.” Had we time we would like to show the injustice and absurdity of suppressing public as well as private army correspondence. Whether my letter of August 21st and 24th ever reached or will reach its destination or not we cannot say. We had to smuggle it off in order to send it. In it information was given of our being in McDowell’s corps instead of Banks’. If our friends have not been made acquainted with this fact much anxiety may have been saved to them in the transmission of war news for the past ten days or two weeks, as Banks’ army has been in very few if any of the recent engagements.

Our stay in Warrenton lasted till Tuesday morning, August 26th, affording us rest and refreshment, for which we felt truly grateful, as the previous few days had been full of hardships, and we were pretty well worn out. These hardships, however, were but a foretaste of severer ones in store for us. At an early hour Tuesday morning reveille was blown and we were ordered to take up our line of march to White Sulphur Springs, the rebels, it was reported, being in strong force there. These springs are about five miles from Warrenton and have always been a favorite place of summer resort for the F.F.V.’s (“First Families of Virginia”) and Southern chivalry and nobility, and a most beautiful place it must have been, too, before the great rebellion made it what it is now – a spectacle of the ravages and destructive work of war. The hotel is burnt, the fountains are spoilt, the bathing houses are ruined, the grounds that were ornamented with trees and beautiful walks are a waste, and the beauty and attractiveness of the place, though not all gone, sadly illustrates the effects of the terrible contest in which our country is engaged.

When within two or three miles of White Sulphur Springs we could hear cannonading, and on arriving near the spot every preparation was made for a severe fight. We halted this side of the woods, skirmishers were deployed to the front and right, and soon the rattle of musketry greeted our ears. It grew sharper and sharper, and orders came to go forward with our battery in advance of two or three others that were with King’s Division, and take position on a hill this side of the river, on the opposite side of which our infantry had just driven the enemy, and where, concealed by woods and ridges and in advantageous places, the rebel batteries were planted. Gen. Patrick, to whose Brigade we were attached that day, came very near being taken a prisoner and killed. He was surprised by a body of rebel sharpshooters who demanded him to surrender. “Never,” said the brave General, raising his sword, waving it above his head and galloping away on his horse immediately. A whole volley was fired upon him, but the firing most fortunately was so light that the General escaped unhurt.

Forming in battery, the right section opened on a rebel battery that was engaged with a Federal battery on our right. The other two sections were soon in the engagement, and a sharp and steady artillery duel began, which lasted six or seven hours. The battery on our right ceased firing soon after we commenced, and Reynolds’ battery after that was the only one engaged on our side during the day. The firing of the rebels was good, but did us no harm till afternoon, when they fired on us with eight if not ten pieces, and for an hour and a half it was the hottest and closest work we had ever had to do in the way of fighting. Several times we had silenced them in the forenoon, and made them change position without changing our own. The fighting in the afternoon was renewed with much vigor, and the odds were so against us that it seemed we must retire, but we kept our ground, the shells and solid shot ploughing the earth about us, striking between the pieces and caissons, skipping under the horses and in most unfriendly distances beside and over the men and officers, hitting a wheel and disabling it, and threatening death and destruction to the whole battery. The boys continued firing steadily, and it afterwards proved with good effect, undaunted at the sharp and heavy firing of their foe, and finally succeeded in silencing his shots. One casualty had happened to the company. John F. Diets, of Scottsville, while faithfully performing the post of No. 1, the hardest position on the gun, received a severe flesh wound in his leg below the knee by the explosion of a shell, and he had to be carried from the field and taken to the hospital. (11) He has since been sent to Alexandria. On being wounded, the first thing he said on laying down the gun implements was, “boys, I am wounded – give them --.”

There were many very close calls, but we came off very fortunately. We dismounted one of the enemy’s pieces, and from reports must have done much damage. They tried to flank our infantry on the left, but were driven back with considerable slaughter. Towards evening a horseman was seen coming down the road opposite us, with a flag of truce. He was followed by three or four infantry. On meeting our pickets he told them he wished to exchange a prisoner he had, who was a woman dressed in male attire. A queer maneuvre this, but a shrewd one, as it accomplished what was purposed, namely, the escape of nearly a hundred rebel sharp shooters who were concealed behind the banks of the river, but in consequence of which our own sharpshooters were unable to get away. The enemy, as results showed, had decided to move off as early as possible, and in order to bring in their pickets and skirmishers resorted to the above adroit but outrageous plan, for while this was being done their batteries opened fire on our infantry, who were in the woods on our left, that others of their skirmishers hidden in that vicinity might be brought in also. General Patrick, on learning this, gave immediate orders for us to recommence firing, which we did.

That night we remained on the field, horses harnessed, nothing to eat – and here we were kept till about noon the following day (Aug. 27), when the whole division had orders to march upon Gainesville by the Warrenton and Alexandria pike, it having been discovered that a large force of the enemy was turning our right toward Manassas. We encamped a few miles to the east of Warrenton that night, Thoroughfare Gap being on our left, through which it was expected the rebels would come out and attack us. They failed to make their appearance, however, and early the next morning (Aug. 28) we were on the march again to Manassas Junction.

When Pope finally realized that Jackson was loose in his rear, he fell for the bait and lunged in pursuit, convinced he had Jackson and his vaunted foot cavalry trapped. Jackson, in the meantime, after destroying Pope’s supply base at Manassas Junction, managed by a simple expedient to elude the converging Union columns: He withdrew his men to a hidden position in the woods along an unfinished railroad line, just west of the old Bull Run battlefield and only a few hundred yards north of the Warrenton Turnpike. As King’s division, which included Battery L, advanced east along this road the evening of Aug. 28, the Union soldiers had no idea that 24,000 Confederate soldiers were so close at hand. Jackson decided it was time to let the Federals “find him.” He ordered his artillery to fire on the column, then advanced the Stonewall Brigade from the woods. This set the stage for the legendary bloodbath at Brawner’s Farm. Union and Confederate soldiers bravely lined up, in some places only 80 yards apart, and blazed away at each other in the growing darkness, leaving the dead in neat rows. Breck and his battery mates, called upon to reply to Jackson’s opening artillery rounds, quickly found themselves in a virtually untenable position, and paid dearly for it…. (12)

When within a mile or two of Bull Run, the advanced portion of our force were fired upon from rebel batteries, masked in the woods, causing several serious and fatal casualties. We were in Hatch’s Brigade that day, who was acting commander of the division, Gen. King being unwell. Skirmishers were thrown out to find the strength of the enemy, and they were found to be many thousands strong. An attack was decided upon and Hatch’s Brigade, with our battery, filed to the left and front, taking position in a narrow road, a section of the battery being planted on a hill on the left of the road. Lieut. Reynolds opened fire with his section, and a very sharp and effective fire was opened in reply by a whole battery. One of our pieces was planted along the road, under cover of an embankment, and began firing. Further up the road, and under fire from the enemy’s batteries – by this time they had two or three engaged – the remaining three guns of the battery were planted by order of an artillery Major. The position was a poor one, with little chance of getting a proper range, and very much exposed to the fire from the rebel batteries. It proved to be the sharpest and hottest of any of our previous or succeeding encounters with the enemy, and it is a miracle we were not all killed or wounded and our pieces all dismounted. As it was, the results were fatal to one, if not to two. The rebel guns were on an elevated place, somewhat concealed by trees or bushes, and their range on us was perfect. The shot and shell fell and bursted in our midst every minute, striking the fence, exploding in the middle of the road between men and horses and caissons, throwing dirt and gravel all over us, and making it almost impossible for the cannoniers to man their pieces. But they stood by them, most manfully, and coolly and steadily replied to the raking fire of the enemy. Another battery soon opened on us. We were getting the benefit of a cross fire. Two batteries against half a battery. That was too much, and especially as we were situated in the hollow of a road, unable to do but little execution. On our own responsibility – though the order followed immediately to give the same – we gave orders to cease firing and limber up.

In this fight we had two men severely wounded, one of whom, John Smith, from Rochester, died during the night. He had a leg blown entirely off by a shell. A braver and a better soldier could not very well be. When carried off by his comrades he remarked, “Boys, I left the priming wire by the side of the piece,” pointing to where it lay, and then said, “If you will carry me back I will get it for you.” Meeting Captain Reynolds on the road, he asked, “Well, Captain, havn’t I always done my duty? I staid at my post until my leg was shot off. I don’t know where it has gone to.” When told by the Captain that he would see that everything should be done for him that could possibly be, he replied, “I know there will,” and seizing his hand, said “don’t leave me.” He was carried and laid in a wagon by the side of the road, where he remained more than half an hour before surgical assistance could be obtained. During all this time not a murmur escaped his lips. Like a true hero he fought, bore his sufferings and died, his death occurring during the night. Upon examination, the doctor pronounced his case hopeless. The shock and loss of blood was too much for his system. Of such material is our army composed. Noble men, too noble to be needlessly sacrificed by the blunders and ignorance of inexperienced and pretending generals.

John Van Zandt from Palmyra was wounded seriously in the head or forehead by the fragment of a shell, while faithfully performing his duty. He was taken to a house, his wound dressed, and he was left there, when we resumed our march to Manassas. We saw him in the evening and he appeared quite smart, but we have since learned that he died a day or two afterwards. His parents lived in Albany. There is a possibility that the report of his death may be incorrect.

The infantry did not become engaged till about dusk, when the fire of musketry was really terrific. Darkness terminated the fight, with a loss of 1,500 killed and wounded on our side, so reported, and an equal if not greater loss on the side of the enemy. We had possession of the field and drove the rebels, though it was by no means a decided victory. The rebels force was estimated 20,000 strong, while our own did not exceed 7,000. They could have beaten and routed us terribly had they been a mind to. They probably over estimated our numbers. They fought in the woods, as is customary with them, but they fought well.

We lay in the road, alongside of some woods, till about 12 o’clock that night, when as quickly as possible all our force marched to Manassas Junction. In order to do this it became necessary to take a very circuitous route to escape from the enemy, and instead of going the direct road to the Junction, which would have taken us there in about an hour’s time, we went over a road that required five or six hours to reach our destination. Before leaving the Junction, we heard cannonading in our rear, and all day Friday (Aug. 29), as you have been informed long ere this, there was a severe fight on the battle field of Bull Run.

Pope, now alerted to Jackson’s exact location, concentrated his forces. For most of the day on Aug. 29, Battery L remained in reserve while Pope launched a series of disjointed, futile assaults on Jackson’s men, positioned behind the unfinished Independent Line of the Manassas Gap Railroad.

Shortly after arriving at Manassas Junction, Fitz John Porter’s gallant division (13) passed on their way to the scene of action. They had already marched six or seven miles, but as they passed us their step was almost a double quick and not a look of fatigue or exhaustion did they betray in any way. Such line marching, such noble looking fellows, such brave, determined countenances – in a word, such splendid troops we had never seen before. Every man looked a line soldier and walked with the air of a king, as every true American is no less than a king. They felt that they were marching to a triumphant victory, and that the final days of this mighty rebellion were already numbered. Alas! before the sun of another day had gone down in darkness, hundreds of these heroic and patriotic men were laid low on the battle ground, and the earth will never again sound with their proud and triumphant tread. And the “mighty rebellion” still exists and bids to continue, we know not how long.

We saw that veteran regiment, “the bloody 13th,” with their Colonel (Elisha Marshall) at its head, and though diminished in numbers, there was no diminution in their courage and bravery. As regiment after regiment passed us they were greeted by cheers from our own division. They were McClellan’s boys and they gloried in the fact. When they asked some of our division to whose corps they belonged, great care was taken to reply, Gen. King’s division. At first the reply had been McDowells; but the immediate look of contempt and response of shame or indignation soon put a stop to replies of that description.

Not long after the Peninsula heroes had passed us, before we followed them to the scene of conflict – the famous, never to be forgotten field of Bull Run. Arriving on the ground, we saw thousands of troops drawn up in line of battle, and a brisk engagement was in progress by infantry and artillery on both sides. We were assigned a position in a large, open field in the rear, on the left of the road, supported by Patricks’ Brigade. The rebel army was in and behind the woods. Our forces had driven them back and the tide of battle was in our favor.

By now, Longstreet’s men had arrived and formed to Jackson’s right, angling south across the Warrenton Turnpike, astride Pope’s left flank. Lee pressured Longstreet to attack Pope’s flank. Instead, late in the day on Aug. 29, Longstreet advanced Gen. John Bell Hood’s division up the road in a reconnaissance in force, to establish a bridgehead from which launch a full-scale attack the next morning. At the same time, Pope, convinced that the Confederates were trying to retreat, pulled King’s division (now commanded by Gen. Hatch) out of reserve and sent it down the Warrrenton Turnpike in “pursuit.” The two forces collided just east of Groveton. As darkness fell, the fighting degenerated into a “confused, bloody brawl,” in which few soldiers could even distinguish the enemy. (14) As Breck notes below, even friendly regiments fired at each other. By the time Battery L and Patrick’s Brigade reached the line, the firing had mostly died down. An uneasy quiet settled over this part of the battlefield, on which “upward of ten thousand Confederates were planted only yards from the heart of the Union position, ready to resume the attack at dawn.” (15)

After holding our first position an hour or two, we removed further up the road and on the right of it and were placed in the advance. A fierce engagement was opened between Doubleday’s Brigade and a battery, on the left of the road, in front of us about a quarter of a mile, and the rebels on the opposite side of the road who were partially concealed by woods. There had been fighting here before, and we were the victors, but now there was to be a change. For about an hour the conflict raged with the greatest fury, amidst the sharp rattle of musketry and the peals of cannon, the rebels yelling like so many demons and fighting with the desperation of men struggling with the last hope for life. They charged on the Rhode Island Battery, but were repulsed with grape and shot, but nothing daunted they charged again, and captured one piece, so I was informed. They drove our men back, and darkness found them conquerors and possessors of the field.

We did not become engaged ourselves, as we had no orders to open fire. In fact we seemed to be left to do as we pleased, as we were on the memorable day following. (16) Gen. Patrick, on his own responsibility, ordered a section of our battery to be planted on a hill, on the right of the road, while he drew up his troops in line of battle in front. We were in a ticklish condition all that night, the rebel pickets within fifteen yards of us only, and now and then favoring us with a shot. Gen. Patrick came very near being captured, and one of his aides was quite severely wounded. At one time there was almost a panic created, and there was small stampede, caused by rebels firing on a body of our cavalry, who became so frightened that they skedaddled pell-mell as if his Satanic majesty was after them. One of our regiments fired into another by mistake, but fortunately causing one or two casualties only.

Hood’s men withdrew during the night. The next day, on Aug. 30, Pope, still convinced he had the Confederates either trapped or on the run, ordered Porter’s V Corps to attack Jackson’s men. Porter’s troops assembled in Groveton Woods, then attacked across an open field nearly 600 yards wide. They were confronted with a deadly crossfire from Jackson’s riflemen placed behind the unfinished railroad to their front, and from Longstreet’s massed artillery firing into them from the left. Breck and his battery mates, positioned alongside other Union batteries on Dogan’s ridge, had a full view of the fighting.

The next morning found everything quiet, excepting now and then a sharpshooter would fire a shot. A few rebels were seen rambling over the ground on our left, where the scene of battle occurred the night before, stripping our dead and picking up what they could find. They were soon shelled from the spot however, and we held the same position we did the afternoon previous. The rebel forces had retired, how far and for what purpose we could not tell. We fell back with our battery nearly worn out with fatigue and labor, the horses most used up too. The forenoon was quiet, no firing, or very little being heard, and the different corps were arranged for an advance and probable engagement in the afternoon. A bloody battle was predicted by some, which prediction was verified.

I shall not attempt to describe the second great battle of Bull Run. I cannot properly do so only so far as Reynolds’ Battery took an active part in it. When a true history of this battle comes to be written, it will be found that it was a battle of blunders, of mistakes, planless, or if planned by some correct, sound military mind, thwarted in its plans, -- and in a word, it was a grand failure, a repetition of Bull Run No. 1, all but the panic. It was a wanton, needless sacrifice of human life, and the denunciations against a certain military general are perfectly just, depend upon it. Victory might have perched upon our banner that day, had it not been, so far as human discernment can extend, for the “bungling, or something worse” of a certain great general. There were troops enough in the field to beat the enemy, strong and desperate as he was, but the disposition of them spoilt everything and caused us a defeat. I believe the final death-blow to the rebellion might and would have been given on the battle-field of Bull Run, had there been proper generalship displayed, a proper handling of the many thousands of our brave troops, who on the morning of the 30th of August confidently expected victory. But time, space, and the patience of your readers forbid the indulgence of criticism. There were generals in the field, great and worthy of confidence, in every sense of the word, and had the advice of the “Flying Dutchman” been heeded and carried out, how different might have been the result!

About 3 o’clock Saturday afternoon the battle of Friday was renewed. Our position was in the centre, almost in the same place we occupied the night before, on a slight rise of ground in a small orchard. (17) A battery was planted on our left and another on our right. On the opposite side of the field, about a mile and a half in front – behind a railroad embankment, skirted by woods on either side – were posted the rebels, with batteries of artillery and a heavy force of infantry. Between them and us was planted a Federal battery, upon which the rebel batteries opened fire. This drew firing from the artillery near us, but we thought it strange our batteries fired into the same woods where the rebel batteries were firing, for a large force of our infantry had been deployed to the front, into those same woods, and we felt confident they must be exposed to the shells of our own batteries, as well as the rebels. Patrick’s brigade and Porter’s division were in these woods with no artillery support from our side, but rather damage, as our own batteries, as just stated, were throwing shells into their midst!

Breck’s concern about Union artillery firing into its own soldiers was fully justified. Soldiers of the 13th New York from Rochester, in the front line of Porter’s attacking force, later complained about the friendly artillery fire that struck them from behind. (18) Porter’s men bravely carried their attack within a few yards of the railroad cut, then stopped to return fire. It was an untenable position. The 13th, for example, lost nearly half its men killed, wounded or captured. Porter’s men retreated back across that bloody, shell-torn field. At that point Longstreet sprung the trap, launching 25,000 men against Pope’s exposed left flank, now guarded by only 2,200 soldiers. Battery L and other federal units resisted gamely, but were overwhelmed.

– Captain Reynolds waited for orders to fire, but none came, when a rebel battery on our left opened fire on us, to which we replied and soon we had a lively time of it. The shot and shells came thicker and faster, and the batteries near us limbered up and put off. One of them was ordered back, however, and renewed firing. Our left flank began to be engaged by this time, the enemy having turned it, and the battle was transferred to that vicinity with great vigor.

But we kept our ground, receiving a hot fire from the rebel guns; and not until the batteries about us had abandoned their positions, and we were in imminent danger of being flanked by rebel infantry, did we seek a new place to plant our battery. Nobody came to tell us what to do, but we appeared to be left to shift for ourselves. This was the case with other batteries and with brigades in general. Infantry supports were withdrawn from artillery, and vice versa. Battery after battery, and so far as I could perceive, regiment after regiment, remained in the rear, inactive, and matters looked very queer, to say the least.

We retired with our battery a little to our right, and in the rear of our first position, taking our place on a hill where we again opened a brisk fire, and with effect, too. We kept a rebel infantry force in abeyance and drove it back two or three times on trying to make an advance. While here an attempt was made by a regiment to charge on our battery. They came down through the woods in line and good order, and were within 250 yards of us when we opened upon them with cannister. It was an exciting, enthusiastic time with us all. Our captain was on his horse telling the boys to “give them canister, give them canister, and stick by the guns.” Lieut. Reynolds was acting as gunner, so few men had he to man his section. Lieut. Anderson had his coat and hat off, sleeves rolled up and was performing the duty of No. 1. We hadn’t more than three or four men to a piece, on an average, and, of course, there was double work to be performed by those serving. Well, every gun was soon shotted with canister, the command to fire was given, and when the smoke rolled away, all that remained of the rebel regiment were scampering up the hill as fast as their legs could carry them. Many a rebel had been made to “bite the dust” by our rifled guns, and we felt, as we thought we had a right to feel, that battery L had done some little service that day.

Shortly after this, orders came to retire, but to do it in good order. We saw regiments falling back, but a great many more that seemed to us had not so much as fallen in. We must obey orders, and so we retired. Were we defeated? It appeared so, or why retire, the rebels all the while advancing! But I mus’nt expatiate. It is high time my letter was brought to a close. There are many things connected with Saturday’s battle which are of interest, I think, but which I cannot now mention. I have confined myself to the movements and operations of our battery, but in doing so have, to some extent, shown the movements of a portion of our army. No doubt other artillery batteries have, in the past few days of our nation’s history, done as much and probably a good deal more than our own, but I speak for the battery through the columns of your paper, that our friends may know we have not been lying idle and done nothing to help crush the great rebellion. I have merely mentioned facts and they will speak for themselves.

In Saturday’s fight one of the company, Abner O. Ganyard from Irondequoit, was badly wounded in the leg. He was conveyed from the field, as we supposed, by Corporal Buell, but we have neither seen nor heard anything of them since. Possibly they may be in Alexandria. I will send a list of casualties in our battery, those missing, etc., which have occurred since the fight at Rappahannock Crossing. We have reason to believe that three or four belonging to the company cowardly deserted from it in face of the enemy, and if so, their acts will not be long in showing them up to the public. But with these exceptions, the company have shown themselves true soldiers, brave men ready to sacrifice, if necessary, their lives for the sake of their country.

{The list of casualties and desertions was published yesterday in this paper from Capt. Reynolds. – Ed. U&A.}

Pope’s demoralized soldiers retreated to Centreville, then put up a stout rearguard action near Chantilly before falling back into the fortifications around Washington.

Saturday night (Aug. 30) we fell back almost to Centreville, resuming our march the next morning a little beyond it, where we lay till Monday morning (Sept. 1), when we proceeded to Fairfax Court House with Patrick’s brigade. Remained there but a few hours, when we moved to the front at Germantown, where, late in the afternoon, there was a severe battle, but in which we did not participate. We were kept here, drawn up in line of battle, till Tuesday afternoon (Sept. 2), when we marched to the spot which we now occupy. Upton’s or Upton Hill is familiarly known to all your readers. It is about six or seven miles from Washington, the entire dome of the Capitol being plainly visible, as also are nearly all the forts and hills that surround and defend the Capital. Our six guns are planted behind a redoubt that was built here by a portion of Patrick’s brigade – then Gen. Wadsworth’s – a year ago or less. It is a formidable position, and is one of the outer defences of Washington. A little to our left and in rear of us is Fort Ramsey, in command of Maj. Doubleday. A great many Webster boys are in this fort.

We are enjoying a little rest, which three weeks of almost constant marching and fighting, subjected to many of the severest hardships, have made most welcome, rest assured. But what a pity that all that has been done the past fifteen months has got to be done over again. We have performed a complete circuit, or very nearly, since leaving Baltimore. Dark and gloomy is our country’s future, but let us not despond. God is leading us through a fiery ordeal, but let us trust Him and do our duty, and all will yet come out right.

Our company numbers now but 76 privates. We are in great want of men. We have lost a number of horses killed and which have given out by work, and I was about to say starvation. The poor beasts that have survived our long and wearied marches are now luxuriating on corn and an abundance of hay. I don’t surmise we are going to lie idle very long. We ask a few days’ rest only, and then let us up and at them again with good Generals to lead us and with renewed vigor, and determination to crush this monster, rebellion.

Our baggage has been missing ever since we left the Rappahannock. We all look, literally, as if we had been through the wars. O, for a change of garment, as well as a change of military commander. Our friends wouldn’t recognize us. (19)

We have received no mail since we left Culpepper, almost three weeks. We are nearly famishing for letters. There is a large mail awaiting us, doubtless, at Gen. Banks’ headquarters, which we are at present trying to find. Letters and papers for the battery will be directed, “care King’s division.” No corps need be specified. Perhaps we shall be in some other division the next letter I write. We are in one brigade one day and in another the next. Several brigades claim us as their battery.

The health of the company is good. It was never better than when we were on the constant go, sleeping, eating etc., with the greatest irregularity, notwithstanding.

But you must have despaired of my ever closing this letter. G.B.

P.S. – Capt. Reynolds expects to be able to send home a Sergeant to recruit for the company, he having been assured by the Colonel of our regiment that permission would be granted him to do so. Any desirous of joining the company will please hold themselves in readiness to enlist.

Transcribed And Donated By Bob MarcotteTranscribed And Donated By Bob Marcotte
Robert E. Marcotte
Rochester, N.Y.
February 2005